I've been in the streets arguing about housing. The crisis is on my own block. A former Rudy Giuliani Chief of Staff is developing an unaffordable building to continue displacing people like me in the a neighborhood that I make cool every G** D***n Day! And I'm pissed!

We need a truly affordable housing. As congressman, I can impact that in a few direct ways starting in a single term.

1. Renegotiate the One45 Project of +900 units on 145th Street & Malcolm X BLVD.

2. Identify 10,000 new units of housing throughout the district of +700 unit buildings

3. Publish the LMI (Local Median Income) so to make legal arguments against AMI (Area Median Income) as a measure of affordability

4. Fast-track 100% affordable housing developments with city support.

Housing is a Human Right: A Housing Justice Agenda for New York

We must guarantee safe, stable, and dignified housing for all New Yorkers—no exceptions. That means protecting tenants from eviction and displacement, reinvesting in public housing, and committing to deeply affordable, community-controlled development that resists speculation and gentrification.

Our housing justice vision centers three priorities:

• Defend Existing Tenants: Expand rent stabilization, strengthen right-to-counsel protections for all tenants facing eviction, and enforce anti-harassment and anti-displacement measures—especially in historically marginalized Black, Brown, and immigrant communities.

• Repair and Reclaim Public Housing: Fully fund NYCHA repairs through public—not private—investment. End decades of disinvestment by treating public housing as essential infrastructure and ensuring resident voices guide all revitalization plans.

• Build Affordable, Not Luxury Housing: Support federal initiatives like the Place to Prosper Act, which bans no-cause evictions and predatory rent hikes. We also call for large-scale public construction of permanently affordable housing, prioritizing non-profit, cooperative, and social housing models.

Housing justice means confronting the root causes of the crisis, racialized dispossession, corporate landlordism, and austerity politics, and replacing them with bold, equitable public policy that ensures every New Yorker has a home they can afford.

Purpose

I will use Federal Funds to re-establish Mitchell-Lama era affordable housing: a federally supported pilot program creating affordable cooperative and rental housing for moderate-income households in high-cost areas, beginning with New York’s 13th Congressional District.

My Reasoning

Congress finds that:

1. Moderate-income families (earning 60–120% of Area Median Income) are underserved by existing federal housing programs.

2. The New York Mitchell–Lama Housing Program successfully produced ~140,000 affordable units for moderate-income families since 1955, but affordability loss threatens long-term stability.

3. A modernized federal-local pilot is necessary to ensure long-term affordability while incentivizing private development.

My Definitions

• Moderate-Income Housing: For households earning between 60%–120% of Local Median Income (LMI), using the courts to argue Area Median Income (AMI) is inadequate.

• Affordable Cooperative Housing: Resident-owned housing where purchase and monthly carrying charges are income-restricted.

• Affordable Rental Housing: Federally supported units rented at capped levels, tied to AMI.

• Affordability Term: Minimum 40 years, renewable up to 99 years.

My Program Design

Federal Incentives

• HUD-administered low-interest mortgage loans (1–2%).

• Property tax abatements (in partnership with local government).

• Limited annual developer return (max 7%).

Tenant & Buyer Protections

• Income verification and transparent lottery system.

• Post-expiration rent stabilization or cooperative affordability caps.

• No eviction or displacement upon program expiration.

Preservation & Capitalization

• Establish a Mitchell–Lama Preservation Fund to refinance and modernize buildings.

• Priority given to projects meeting green building standards.

Oversight & Accountability

• Federal Advisory Council including tenants, local housing advocates, and municipal reps.

• Annual GAO audit and public reporting on compliance, affordability, and maintenance.

Pilot Program – NY-13

1. Location: Northern Manhattan & the Bronx (Washington Heights, Inwood, Harlem, parts of the South Bronx).

2. Initial Goal: Develop or preserve 5,000 units (rental + cooperative) in the first 5 years.

3. Partnerships:

   • NYC Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD).

   • NY State Homes and Community Renewal (HCR).

   • Local nonprofits (e.g., Northern Manhattan Improvement Corp, Community League of the Heights).

Funding Allocation:

• $750M over 5 years from HUD pilot appropriations.

• Leveraged with private and nonprofit developers.

Evaluation & Expansion

• HUD will conduct a 10-year evaluation.

• Upon demonstrated affordability preservation, Congress may expand program nationally.

Local Rollout Plan – NY-13 Pilot

Phase 1 (Year 1–2): Foundation

• Identify vacant city-owned lots & underutilized federal land in Harlem and the Bronx.

• Establish pilot developments:
  

  • 2 cooperative complexes (~500 units each).

  • 3 rental complexes (~300–400 units each).

• Begin tenant education workshops (modeled after NYC Mitchell–Lama Residents Coalition).

Phase 2 (Year 3–5): Expansion

• Leverage tax abatements & federal low-interest loans for private developers.

• Preservation of existing Mitchell–Lama & HUD-subsidized units at risk of expiration.

• Goal: 5,000 total affordable units preserved/created.

Phase 3 (Year 6–10): Evaluation

• Independent GAO audit.

• Community reporting sessions.

• Adjust affordability terms, financing models, and tenant protections.

Example: Harlem Site Pilot

• Location: West Harlem, near Broadway & 135th Street (hypothetical federally owned parcel).

• Model: 300-unit affordable cooperative.

• AMI Targeting: 50% of units at 80% AMI, 50% at 100–120% AMI.

• Financing:
  

  • $120M development cost

  • $60M HUD-backed low-interest loan

  • $40M tax credit equity

  • $20M private financing

• Affordability Term: 50 years with renewal option.

A Northeast Compact for Economic Fairness

We are no longer waiting for Washington to remember who pays the bills. The Northeast has the people, the productivity, and the moral authority to lead.

1. End the Donor State Penalty.
   

2. Build the Northeast Compact.
   

3. Reinvest in our own future.

The Problem

For too long, large, high-income states in the Northeast have carried the nation on their backs. New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Maryland send tens of billions more to Washington every year than they ever get back.

These “donor states” are the economic engine of America, yet federal formulas, the $10,000 SALT deduction cap, and small-state Senate power mean our dollars are redistributed outward while our subways collapse, our schools struggle, and our hospitals go unfunded.

Every New Yorker, Bostonian, and Philadelphian knows the truth: we are subsidizing the dysfunction of Washington.

The Fix: Keep Our Money Working for Us

We must end the donor-state penalty and rewrite the deal between the states and the nation.

• Restore the full SALT deduction to stop double taxation on working and middle-class families in high-cost states.

• Reform federal funding formulas to match dollars with population and contribution, not political geography.

• Guarantee reinvestment parity — no state should receive back less than 95% of the federal taxes it sends.

This is about fairness, not partisanship. The wealth generated in the Northeast should fund our children’s education, our housing, and our healthcare, not get siphoned off to prop up broken systems elsewhere.

The Solution: A Northeast Interstate Compact

If Washington refuses to modernize federal redistribution, the Northeast will lead.

We will join forces through a Northeast Interstate Compact for Economic Fairness, modeled on the emerging West Coast collaborations. This Compact will unite New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Rhode Island, and potentially Vermont and Maine in a coordinated regional partnership to:

1. Pool resources for shared public investment in healthcare, housing, transit, and education.

2. Establish a regional reinvestment fund, ensuring that federal shortfalls are backfilled by coordinated state efforts.

3. Create multi-state infrastructure bonds to modernize transportation, green energy, and broadband.

4. Develop regional public health and higher-education agreements, allowing residents to access services across borders at equitable rates.

5. Leverage collective purchasing power to negotiate better deals for prescription drugs, insurance, and renewable energy.

This Compact would form the backbone of a Northeast Economic Union — a powerful bloc of donor states acting in concert, ensuring that our collective productivity benefits our own people first.

The Future: Fiscal Federalism for the 21st Century

When the federal government stops investing in its people, states must fill the gap. This Compact is not rebellion — it’s responsible self-governance.

Just as the Port Authority and MTA grew from regional necessity, the next generation of regional cooperation will rebuild the Northeast’s middle class. Our states already share workers, commuters, and taxpayers. It’s time we share power and policy.

You've already paid for childcare, a group of companies are just blocking you from affording it.

You ever hear people say "let's be honest, everything has a cost." They are right, and you've already paid the cost. Unpaid care, and paid care, are the backbone of this economy and as the is economy's productivity soar while wages stagnant, the value is trapped in the companies that have distributed the income necessary for you to care for your children. We're done with that, we're taking the equity we owe ourselves and our kids.

Federal Vehicle (what the Congressman can actually do)

Add another ~$99–$155M/year to State & City agencies to take the childcare burden off of middle-class income parents.

Plain English

• If your household makes at or below NYC’s median income: you pay $0 for licensed childcare (0–5 full-day, and 6–12 after-school/summer) inside NY-13.

• Above median up to 200% of Area Median Income (AMI): you still pay almost nothing (glide path, no cliffs).

• The provider gets paid directly by the pilot—families don’t front cash and wait on reimbursement.

How we hard-code this in the federal pilot bill

1) Middle-Class Cost Cap (statute)

• Family Charge Breakdown:

  • ≤100% of NYC median household income: 0% family charge.

  • >100% to 150% of AMI: capped at 1% of AGI (annualized), collected monthly.

  • >150% to 200% of AMI: capped at 3% of AGI.

  • >200% of AMI: pay the lesser of 7% of AGI or actual tuition; pilot still stabilizes supply/prices by paying true provider costs.

• No cliffs. Income verified once per year with a simple attestation + data match.

2) Direct Pay, Not Tax Season IOUs

• HHS/ACF pays providers monthly via a CareNY-13 account tied to the child; families never float the bill.

• IRS supports an annual reconciliation similar to the Advance CTC to true-up if income moved.

3) Rates & Workforce (keep supply open to middle-class zip codes)

• Contracted slots paid at ≥85th percentile of market rate or cost-of-quality, attendance-based.

• Wage floors ($25/hr aides; $32/hr leads + benefits) so centers in higher-rent neighborhoods can afford staff; otherwise middle-class families have “theoretical” seats that don’t exist.

4) Coordination with City/State

• Pilot braids existing vouchers and UPK/3-K dollars but adds the Middle-Class Cost Cap layer so a median-income family doesn’t get bounced because “you earn too much for a voucher and too little to pay list price.”

What counts as “median” for eligibility?

• Use NYC Area Median Income (AMI) tables updated annually. Median-income households (roughly the 100% AMI band, size-adjusted) qualify for $0. We avoid chasing a single dollar figure; we peg to AMI so it auto-updates and accounts for family size.

Funding—realistic ranges

• Coverage assumption (NY-13): ~10–12k kids (0–5) using full-day care; ~15–18k (6–12) in after-school/summer.

• Cost drivers: true cost in NYC for quality infant/toddler care often runs $22k–$30k/year per slot; preschool a bit lower; after-school $3k–$6k.

• Annual envelope for the Middle-Class Guarantee:
  

  • 0–5 operations: $55–$85M

  • 6–12 after-school/summer: $22–$32M

  • Workforce/quality/admin: $12–$18M

  • Facilities (HUD/EDA + city/state match): $10–$20M

  • Total: ~$99–$155M/year

• How to pay:
  

  • Dedicated appropriation in Labor-HHS-Ed for the NY-13 pilot: $60–$95M

  • Re-targeted CCDF/TANF/Head Start/21st CCLC/PDG flows: $25–$40M

  • HUD CDBG/EDA + NYC/NYS capital: $10–$20M

  • Optional: a federal employer match (below) that reduces required appropriations if take-up is high.

Add-ons that specifically help median earners

A) Employer Match (voluntary but powerful)

• Let employers contribute up to $10,000 per child for dependent care.

• Federal match 50% (refundable credit to the employer) if funds flow to licensed providers in NY-13.

• Keeps employers in the game and eases appropriations pressure; useful for hospitals, universities, big retailers in the district.

B) Fix the Dependent Care FSA for NYC reality

• Temporarily lift the FSA cap in the pilot area to $10,000 and make the tax benefit refundable so middle-income W-2 families with low tax liability still get the full value.

• Coordinate so FSA dollars flow directly into the CareNY-13 account (no paperwork ping-pong).

C) Mortgage/Rent Relief for in-home providers (supply where middle-class lives)

• Pilot micro-grants that cover incremental rent/mortgage/insurance for licensed family childcare (FCC) in higher-cost buildings. This keeps slots near middle-class commuters instead of forcing long commutes to care deserts.

The reality is that we know how to fix most things in this broken economy, but we need the political will to do something about it. Plainly, we owe it to ourselves to do something about it: We Owe Us! These are just things that I believe we can achieve. I've been talking about care forever.

Your Data Is A.I. Labor

That can be a good thing

Expanding the NLRB (national labor relations boards) to cover data unions requires redefining the “bargaining subject” from wages and hours to data rights and dividends, while preserving the same recognition and enforcement machinery that has served labor for nearly a century.

Piggy-Back on JFK's work in Europe

We need more Data Unions for both organized and unorganized laborers in this economy. JFK has been at the forefront of policy creation and implementation in Europe & Asian and America need to catch up.

Data is not the new oil. It is the new matter, and Big Tech is putting a data point on every piece of matter in known space and time. That means that you generate an input to productive business processes without even know sometimes. You are the reason the economy is 200x a productive as it was 50 years ago. But there is a problem, your income has not changed.

Framework for U.S. Property Rights in Voice & Body

1. Legal Foundation

• Statutory Creation: Enact a “Voice and Likeness Property Rights Act” (VLPR Act).

• Property Right Status: Recognize an individual’s voice, likeness, biometric identifiers, and bodily digital renderings as intellectual property owned by them, similar to copyrights or patents.

• Non-waivable core rights: Certain rights (like the ability to stop someone from making a synthetic deepfake of you) cannot be permanently waived — they stick to the person like their name or Social Security number.

2. Scope of Rights

• Voice Rights: Control over any reproduction, synthesis, or commercial use of one’s voice (human or AI-generated).

• Image & Likeness Rights: Protection over face scans, 3D models, and bodily movements (including motion-capture).

• Biometric Data Rights: Ownership of fingerprints, iris scans, gait recognition, and other personal identifiers.

• Post-Mortem Rights: Extend for a fixed term after death (e.g., 70 years, as with copyright) to protect heirs from exploitation.

3. Licensing & Enforcement

• Licensing Mechanism:
  

  • Individuals (or estates) can license their likeness or voice for commercial use (film, advertising, AI training, etc.).

  • Standardized contracts could be overseen by the Copyright Office or FTC.

• Enforcement Authority:
  

  • FTC: Primary enforcement against corporations that misuse personal likeness without consent.

  • DOJ Civil Division: Backstop enforcement for large-scale misuse.

  • Private Right of Action: Individuals may sue for unauthorized use.

4. Remedies & Penalties

• Injunctions: Courts can issue take-down orders for unauthorized deepfakes or likeness use.

• Damages:
  

  • Statutory damages (similar to copyright: e.g., $750–$30,000 per violation).

  • Enhanced damages if willful ($150,000+).

  • Restitution of profits gained through misuse.

• Criminal Penalties: For large-scale fraud or impersonation schemes.

5. Interaction With Existing Law

• First Amendment carve-outs: Clear exemptions for satire, parody, news reporting, and educational use.

• NLRA / Data Union tie-in: These rights could be collectivized through unions (e.g., actors’ guilds, “data unions”) to negotiate AI training licenses.

• State vs Federal: Federal law preempts, but states may add stricter protections (like Illinois’ BIPA already does with biometrics).

6. Institutional Setup

• Federal Office of Likeness & Biometric Rights (OLBR): New office within the Department of Commerce or Copyright Office.

• Registry: Optional federal registry where individuals can record their likeness/voice rights to ease licensing and enforcement.

• Technology Standards: Partner with NIST to create verification tools to detect unauthorized voice/likeness use.

7. Practical Applications

• Entertainment Industry: Actors must consent and be compensated if their likeness is digitally recreated.

• AI & Tech: Companies must negotiate with individuals (or their data unions) before using personal voices/bodies in AI training.

• Advertising & Marketing: No use of ordinary people’s faces/voices in ads without explicit license.

• Healthcare & Wearables: Biometric data (like gait or voice recognition) treated as property, not just “data” — requiring licenses for secondary uses.

8. Political Framing

• Property Rights Tradition: Grounded in American respect for property ownership, extending that logic to self-ownership of likeness and voice.

• Labor Rights Extension: Recognize that people’s digital presence is a form of labor and capital, deserving control and compensation.

• Consumer Protection Angle: Position as protection against fraud, impersonation, and identity theft in the age of AI.

What Changed (Economically)

In classical labor economics:

• Labor = Input into production

• Workers are paid wages for their time and effort

• Productivity = Output / Input

In the data economy:

• Your behavior and attention are the input

• Companies analyze this data to train AI, optimize ads, build products

• But you’re not paid, even though your data is critical to the process

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Get a signed hard cover of JFK's book Data Is Labor or buy wherever you buy books.

JFK has been at the forefront of getting these laws passed in other nations and states.

Our Campaign Delivers:

• Safety: Bans exploitative AI practices and prevents catastrophic failures.

• Rights: Recognizes your data, face, voice, and body as your property.

• Fair Pay: Makes sure data is labor, so you get credit and potential compensation for the value you generate.

• Jobs: Creates new oversight, compliance, and technical roles across the U.S.

• Trust & Growth: Protects consumers, stabilizes markets, and ensures U.S. leadership in the global AI economy.

Unified U.S. Data & A.I. Rights Law

Why it Matters Economically

• Data is labor: Every search, click, photo, and biometric detail fuels trillion-dollar AI models. People deserve recognition and compensation.

• Fair competition: Small innovators and universities get public cloud access instead of being locked out by Big Tech monopolies.

• Consumer protection = consumer trust: By banning exploitative uses and protecting likeness, Americans will feel safe adopting AI tools, growing the market.

• New income streams: Property rights over face, voice, and body create licensing opportunities—your identity becomes an asset, not just something for corporations to steal.

• Job creation: Independent audits, red-teaming, and safety testing mean thousands of new technical and oversight jobs in the U.S. economy.

• Global competitiveness: Matching and surpassing the EU ensures U.S. leadership in ethical, innovative AI.

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Get a signed hard cover of JFK's book Data Is Labor or buy wherever you buy books.

Post A.I. Education

We must train young people for life not for jobs. Let's reject the 20th Century's military training system. The pay from jobs can still incentivize career paths and industries to engage young people, but it is critical for democracy that people know how to think through problems and see problems as a process that may be changed or fixed. We need to teach for reasoning and allow both secondary and post-secondary education to use the latest technologies to enhance our ability to understand the processes of life, faster. Colleges need to catch up to how middle schools are using A.I. in the classroom, and stop enforcing memorization as a gauge of brilliance.

Investment in K–12 Public Education

Public education is a foundational pillar of a functional and equitable society. Despite fiscal constraints imposed by the ongoing impacts of COVID-19 on state and local budgets, funding for K–12 public schools must remain non-negotiable. Ensuring uninterrupted investment in our public education infrastructure is critical to safeguarding academic continuity, reducing long-term achievement gaps, and preparing the next generation for the demands of a post-pandemic labor market.

Tuition-Free Public Higher Education and Student Debt Relief

Escalating tuition costs have rendered public college and vocational training financially inaccessible for millions of Americans while simultaneously generating a nationwide student debt burden exceeding $1.7 trillion. To address this systemic barrier to socioeconomic mobility, JFK supports a comprehensive overhaul of the public higher education system.

State Reinvestment

In a post-Trump world the Federal Education system will be broken. That is an opportunity for us to reinvest in our State and Local systems to both empower our youth and incentive more economic activity to come closer to our borders and cities. We can create the Education Department 2.0 with the $98 Billion that we send away to educate Americans & Global Citizens that will still work with New York. If the Federal Government can't work, lets take our know how directly to market and expand our education system by inviting everyone in.

Charter Schools

Our educators are a communal resource of public servants. Reinvesting in public schools is essential to ensuring every child, regardless of zip code, has access to a high-quality, equitable education. Unlike charter schools, which often operate with selective enrollment practices, inconsistent oversight, and diverted public funds, public schools are democratically governed, serve all students, and remain foundational to community life. When we strengthen public schools, we invest not only in academics, but in wraparound supports like counselors, special education services, arts, sports, and meals... resources that charter schools are not always obligated to provide. True equity in education means funding public schools fully, not fragmenting them through privatized models of public schools which charter's technically are. We need to socialize and expand education to 16 years instead of 12 and create Federal State & Municipal incentives for formal teachers and Industry SMEs (subject-matter-experts) to sit behind the teachers desk or screen. We are failing against China & India and it is because we are divided by economic class!

Healthcare should be a right for every American, not a privilege for the few, not something you only get if you have a good job or the right insurance card. We need a system where everyone, no matter who they are or where they come from, can get the care they need without going broke. That’s why we’re pushing for a single-payer system, publicly funded, focused on people, not profits. And if we do it right, we won’t just cover everyone, we’ll begin to tear down the deeper barriers that have left too many behind for too long: whether it’s poverty, race, gender, disability, or where you live. Because in this country, dignity shouldn’t depend on your health coverage. It should be guaranteed

How do we get there:

• Single-Payer as a Floor, Not a Ceiling: Universal coverage must be the starting point. True equity requires designing a healthcare system that addresses both access and outcomes.

• Justice-Driven Design: Policies must be shaped by those most harmed by our current system—Black, Brown, Indigenous, immigrant, disabled, LGBTQIA+, and low-income communities.

• Public Good, Not Private Gain: Remove profit incentives from care delivery, pharmaceutical pricing, and insurance administration.

• Culturally Competent and Trauma-Informed Care: Ensure providers are trained, resourced, and held accountable for delivering inclusive, affirming, and bias-free care.

• All unpaid care is care and needs employer support: child care, elder care, family care, self care.

When I first ran for office, one the questions that stumped me the most was "How do you plan to build a deep bench of civic leaders?" I honestly, had not considered it. But I have ever since. In New York City there is a set of infrastructure that is ties to the State and City offices, like the Borough President's Community Boards. There are 12 in Manhattan and 12 in the Bronx, but the cover large part of the boroughs, and each borough is the size of Chicago to put it in perspective. NYC is like 5 Chicagos. At the congressional level, I think that we need another set of feedback mechanisms that speak to the hyper local issues of each neighborhood, especially when the boarderlines of the hoods are under attack and scrutiny.

When in Congress, I will establish 18 new Neighborhood Boards that can inform all of my spending decision in the district and help negotiate between the areas infrastructure spending that creates social good.

Manhattan neighborhoods

1. East Harlem

2. Hamilton Heights

3. Harlem

4. Inwood

5. Manhattanville

6. Marble Hill

7. Morningside Heights

8. Sugar Hill

9. Washington Heights

10. Parts of the Upper West Side

Bronx neighborhoods

1. Bedford Park

2. Fordham

3. Kingsbridge

4. Kingsbridge Heights

5. Morris Heights

6. University Heights

7. Parts of Norwood

8. Parts of Fordham

These boards will have unique spending influence and serve as a check on power and authority from County Committees from the Political Parties, Community Boards from the City Officials, and Political Clubs tied to elected District Leaders. They can also service as an opportunity to deliver outreach to parts of the neighborhoods that are not in the Congressional District. Let's make more community involvement the norm, because #WeOweUS.

Your favorite Activist's favorite Activist.

Some Highlights

JFK is regularly recognized as one of the global trailblazers integrating Queer, LGBT, and Same-Gender Loving (SGL) rights into policy and culture. He has been honors by hundreds of organizations at this point for his work in building lasting LGBTQ institutions.

• In 2009, he wrote a series of essays that establish Personal Data as an Asset Class and predicted that identity (including LGBT identities) would create Data Colonialism for marginalized people.

• James got hitched to Andy in 2013 in New York

• In, 2014 he was the first CEO of the LGBT Chamber of Commerce in Detroit while briefly leaving NYC to advise their mayor after the city's historical bankruptcy. He also established LGBT Chambers in Europe and Africa. He lobbies the National Gay & Lesbian Chamber to change their name to add the 'B' and 'T', as he identifies as Bi.

• In 2015 Co-Founded the New York Black & Latino LGBT Coalition which became the foundation of the Harlem SGL-LGBTQ Center.

• In 2016, joined the inaugural LGBT Advisory Board at the Democratic National Committee.

• In 2017, James Felton Keith became the first Black LGBTQ person to run for any kind of federal office in the U.S. (via U.S. Congress).

• In 2021 he Co-Chaired the BPOC Board of World Pride in Copenhagen, Denmark

• In 2022 he founded and serves as CEO of InclusionScore, a company that created the first international certifying body for Diversity Equity & Inclusion based on the global standard ISO 30415:2021—which intersects strongly with LGBTQ inclusion in business contexts. This is the reason that he did not run for office again in 2022.

• Keith has advanced the notion that “data is labor”, advocating that personal-data (including identity data) be treated as economic value—an argument with particular significance for LGBTQ communities often excluded from traditional economic flows.

• He has spoken, written and consulted globally on inclusion, human rights and technology — using his work to amplify LGBTQ inclusion in corporate, tech, and governmental settings.

JFK has been Focused on LGBTQ Rights for his families and all of our families.

The America that I know is still an idea of freedom and agency that has yet to come to fruition, and the people of the world are still inspired by this, even while we are under attack by Authoritarian Activists. I think that our immigration system should be open to everyone that we can integrate into the philosophies of 1) do unto others and 2) enforce the laws that protect individual agency above hate and violence [indirect and direct].

Melt ICE:

Undocumented individuals who contribute to our communities, often as essential workers and taxpayers, deserve full recognition as members of the nation they call home. It is time to pass inclusive legislation like the Embrace Act and dismantle punitive systems like ICE that criminalize presence over contribution.

ICE itself, has rejected due process and destroyed the bureaucratic infrastructure that gave new American's faith in this place. We must build a new democracy that can scale.

My Family:

I married Andy, an immigrant from Venezuela, of Trinidadian roots that reach back to Africa and India. Our entire family is made up of immigrants, some documented and other undocumented. I want American borders open so that we can, dare I say, double the American population. The ideals of freedom and agency should not be limited to any global citizen, they should inspire everyone to make their place in the world, not just the White Western Elites.

Recently, after an LGBT hate crime in Harlem by a young Afro-Latiné man, activists were divided on our stance of what we will and won't tolerate in my neighborhood and claimed that our rally about this hate crime was aimed to "put another Black man behind bars," which is ridiculous. What they didn't know is that I already spent the morning asking the police not to lose this kid in the system. Then upon being called f*g dozens of times walking to this press conference in front of the site of the hate crime, I explained to the community that we are also Black and have always been here—and the only way to protect everyone is to do it together.

I've been in the streets working with activists, terrified community members, and the police to make sure that there are communications included in the types of safety we expect versus the type of safety we've been getting. When non-Queer folk see this flag above, they may assume that I only care about one community, but the benefit and burden of being a part of this community is that we are integrated with every other type of community.

We have a choice to make. We can continue pouring resources into a system of mass incarceration that too often targets the most vulnerable among us, or we can choose to invest in those very communities, giving every child a real shot at success.

That means shifting our priorities away from over-policing and toward opportunity. It means funding schools and mental health services, not just jail cells. It means ending outdated policies like qualified immunity that shield misconduct, and rethinking laws that criminalize poverty, like truancy. Because true public safety doesn’t begin with punishment, it begins with prevention, dignity, and hope.

Public Safety Platform Rooted in Equity and Restorative Justice

1. Equity: Address the racial, economic, gendered, and ableist disparities embedded in traditional systems of policing and punishment.

2. Restorative Justice: Shift from punishment to accountability, healing, and reparation—especially for youth, survivors, and those criminalized by systemic inequity.

3. Prevention First: Invest in the root causes of harm: poverty, trauma, housing insecurity, and disconnection.

4. Community Governance: Empower local communities to define what safety looks like—and lead the design of safety systems.

5. Non-Carceral Solutions: Decrease reliance on incarceration and policing in favor of community-based responses to conflict and crisis.

Let's go nuclear!

In 2025, global investment in renewable energy and energy efficiency has reached the point of double the investment in fossil fuels. We must leverage Big States that give more in taxes to the Federal Government than they receive, in order to build deeply renewable energy sources as we power the future. We should not shy away from nuclear energy and geothermal investment. WE ARE RUNNING OUT OF TIME!!! Climate action impact national and local security, migration patters, business trends, and health.

The Neon Green New Deal (NGND) envisions a just, regenerative, and innovation-driven energy future where renewable infrastructure replaces extractive systems, frontline communities build wealth and resilience, and the U.S. becomes a global leader in equitable climate solutions. This is not just a climate agenda—it’s a reimagining of energy, labor, and technology in service of people and planet.

1. 100% Renewable Energy by 2050

• National Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS): Mandate 100% clean electricity generation from solar, wind, geothermal, tidal, and advanced grid technologies.

• Distributed Generation Grants: Massive federal support for community solar, battery storage, microgrids, and rooftop installations.

• Public Green Utility Modernization: Redesign utilities to be public-benefit entities focused on decarbonization and energy democracy.

2. Electrify and Decarbonize Everything

• Green Building Standards: Retrofit all public buildings by 2035 and offer zero-interest green loans for residential electrification.

• Transportation Electrification: Universal EV access by 2030 through public EV fleets, free charging infrastructure, and clean bus transit.

• Agricultural Transition: Incentivize regenerative farming and electrify agricultural equipment to reduce methane and diesel emissions.

3. A Climate Workforce Guarantee

• Clean Jobs for All: A federally guaranteed job in the green economy for anyone who wants one—especially in underserved and fossil-fuel-impacted communities.

• Labor-Climate Accords: Strong union protections, community benefits agreements, and prevailing wage mandates for all green infrastructure projects.

• Green Career Pipelines: Massive federal investment in trade schools, HBCUs, Tribal Colleges, and apprenticeships aligned with NGND sectors.

4. Environmental Justice and Climate Reparations

• Justice40+ Expansion: Ensure at least 60% of federal climate funding goes to frontline and marginalized communities.

• Climate Reparations Fund: Redistributive fund to repair the harms of redlining, pollution, and forced displacement caused by fossil fuel industries.

• Community Land Trusts and Energy Co-ops: Democratize ownership of clean energy infrastructure and reinvest profits into communities.

5. Green Tech Innovation and Energy Sovereignty

• National Green Innovation Lab (NGIL): A DARPA-style federal lab to fund breakthrough tech in renewables, fusion, batteries, and circular manufacturing.

• Open Energy Data Law: Require utilities and corporations to make grid, emission, and energy use data transparent and accessible.

• Decentralized Energy Ownership: Advance blockchain-secured, peer-to-peer energy trading and local energy markets.

6. Finance the Future, Not Fossils

• End Fossil Fuel Subsidies: Redirect $20B+ in annual subsidies to climate tech, job training, and resilience efforts.

• Neon Green Bank: A national public bank dedicated to funding zero-carbon infrastructure and cooperative ownership models.

• Polluters Pay Climate Tax: Corporate carbon tax and environmental damage reparations from the top polluting entities.

I'm also an advocate for International Alignment in renewable energy policy, as I believe that the best type of diplomacy is investment in self sufficiency for other regions.

• Global Green Marshall Plan: U.S. foreign policy aligned with decarbonization, sustainable development, and Indigenous land protection.

• Green Tariffs on Imports: Border-adjustment taxes for high-carbon goods.

• Support for Global South Transitions: Finance and tech-sharing for countries leapfrogging to renewables.

Here’s a no-nonsense federal environmental-justice platform for NY-13 (Harlem, Northern Manhattan, parts of the Bronx) with cumulative impacts, toxics, extreme heat, healthy homes, clean air/energy justice, and accountability.

Principles (what we fight for)

• Cumulative impacts first. Policy must measure and limit the combined burden of pollution, not just one smokestack at a time.

• Healthy homes = public health. Treat mold, lead, gas combustion, pests, and indoor air as federal health priorities.

• Toxics out of daily life. Push federal bans, disclosure, and cleanup for PFAS and other hazardous chemicals.

• Beat extreme heat. Plan, fund, and protect the neighborhoods that overheat and suffer most.

• Community power & federal accountability. Keep environmental equity at the center of federal permitting, grants, and oversight.

10 Federal Planks for NY-13

Pass the Environmental Justice for All Act

• Co-sponsor and publicly whip votes for S.919/H.R.1705 (reintroduced each Congress). Restores/strengthens civil-rights remedies, requires EJ impact analysis, and funds community grants. Congress.gov+1

Codify “Cumulative Impacts” in Federal Law & Permitting

• Back a federal Cumulative Impacts Act (e.g., prior H.R.4592/H.R.9218) requiring EPA & states to assess and limit combined burdens under the Clean Air Act/Clean Water Act; direct CEQ/EPA to finalize and apply cumulative-impacts guidance across agencies. Congress.gov+2Congress.gov+2

Defend & modernize NEPA with Enviro Justice

• Oppose rollbacks; require cumulative-impact analysis, language access, and meaningful community consent in federal reviews; fund legal/technical support for frontline communities. (WE ACT fought to protect NEPA; we keep that fight going.) WE ACT for Environmental Justice

Healthy Homes, not sick buildings

• Expand HUD Office of Lead Hazard Control & Healthy Homes grants; set national standards and enforcement for mold/moisture; accelerate gas-to-electric transitions in public and assisted housing with IRA/DOE funds; pair with asthma triggers remediation. HUD+2HUD Exchange+2

PFAS & Toxics Zero

• Ban PFAS in consumer goods and food contact at the federal level; set strict drinking-water and discharge limits; turbocharge TSCA testing and disclosure; prioritize cleanup funds for EJ census tracts. (WE ACT’s PFAS work and statewide wins show the path; take it national.) WE ACT for Environmental Justice+2WE ACT for Environmental Justice+2

Heat Justice for Northern Manhattan & the Bronx

• Create a federal Urban Heat Resilience Block Grant (CDC/NOAA/EPA/HUD) for tree canopy, cool roofs, public cooling, and emergency comms; require heat-health standards in HUD and HHS programs; fund local data and mapping. (WE ACT leads heat policy; we scale it.) WE ACT for Environmental Justice+1

Clean Air where kids learn & breathe

• Fully fund EPA’s Clean School Bus electrification and target routes in EJ communities first; tighten diesel enforcement around bus depots/last-mile facilities; expand port/warehouse electrification grants. (NYC’s lag shows why federal muscle matters.) AP News

Energy Justice: Lower bills, cleaner power

• Prioritize Justice40-eligible rebates for heat pumps, weatherization, and community solar in disadvantaged tracts; require utilities to track and cut shutoffs; mandate multilingual outreach. (WE ACT’s energy-justice focus + Justice40 alignment.) WE ACT for Environmental Justice+2WE ACT for Environmental Justice+2

Waste & Toxics in the Product Stream

• National right-to-know labeling for ingredients (cosmetics, cleaning, personal care); federal standards for safe reuse/recycling; grants for community composting/zero-waste pilots that cut truck traffic in EJ corridors (mirrors WE ACT’s toxics/zero-waste priorities). WE ACT for Environmental Justice

Hard-wire Justice40 & EJ oversight

• Statutorily restore and codify Justice40 (so it can’t be axed by executive whim), publish program-level benefit accounting, and strengthen GAO/IG audits; require CEJST/EJSCREEN improvements (better heat/flood/air metrics, community input). AP News+1

District-First Deliverables (how NY-13 benefits)

• Healthy Homes Blitz: Dedicated HUD OLHCHH funding to remediate lead, mold, gas stoves, and pests in public/assisted housing across Northern Manhattan; bake in workforce training for local contractors. HUD+1

• Heat-Resilient Blocks: Federal grants for canopy/cool roofs + standardized cooling-center hours and alerts in English/Spanish; prioritize senior centers, NYCHA campuses, and schoolyards. WE ACT for Environmental Justice

• Zero-Diesel School Commutes: EPA school-bus electrification targeted to depots and routes serving Harlem/East Harlem/Washington Heights; federal enforcement on idling and diesel hotspots. AP News

• PFAS-Free Everyday Products: National bans/limits so local wins (e.g., menstrual products, food packaging) are the floor, not the ceiling. WE ACT for Environmental Justice+1

ICE is being used as a terrorist organization, and it is illegal in our community!

Here’s a clear, lawful, step-by-step protocol you can print and train on in New York.

It’s written for K-5 front desks, principals, and school safety. (NYC-specific notes are flagged.) Step-by-Step Protocol if ICE Shows Up at School

Or download this PDF 1-Pager

0) Ground rules (everyone memorizes)

• Do not let non-local law enforcement (incl. ICE/CBP/DHS) past the main office without a judicial warrant reviewed by counsel. NYC DOE policy explicitly bars entry except when required by law. web+1

• Do not share any student or family info (addresses, schedules, emergency contacts) without parental consent or a court order consistent with FERPA. New York State Education DepartmentNew York State Attorney GeneralProtecting Student Privacy

1) Front desk: hold the line (scripted)

Say only: “Please wait here. Our principal/legal office will assist you. May I see your credentials and a judicial warrant signed by a judge?”

• Photocopy or photograph IDs and documents. Do not authenticate or interpret—just copy.

• Call the chain immediately: Principal → District/DOE Legal.
  

  • NYC DOE: call your Senior Field Counsel right away (standing protocol). web

• Keep agents in the office; do not escort to classrooms. web

2) Principal/designated admin: verify paperwork (no legal debate at the desk)

• Ask for: a judicial warrant (signed by a judge), specific person/records, scope, and areas. Administrative ICE forms (e.g., I-200/I-205) are not enough to enter non-public areas or obtain records. Route all review to counsel. New York State Education Department

• Call legal (district counsel / NYC DOE SFC). Do not decide on the spot. web

3) Two paths

A) No warrant / only administrative ICE paper

1. State politely: “Without a judicial warrant, we cannot grant access to students, staff, non-public areas, or records.”

2. Decline any questions about students/families; refer all inquiries to counsel.

3. Document the encounter (time, names, badge #s, what was requested). webNew York State Education Department

B) Judicial warrant presented

1. Send warrant to legal (photo/email). Wait for instructions.

2. Follow counsel’s guidance on scope, location, and handling; keep agents to designated areas; escort at all times.

3. FERPA check: even with a warrant, release only what the order compels; nothing more. New York State Education Department

4) Student safety & operations (quiet containment)

• No building-wide alerts that cause panic. Keep classes running.

• If agents ask for a child: do not remove a student from class until counsel confirms legal basis and a guardian is notified per policy. New York State Education Department

• Keep non-public doors locked; use your single-point entry. (Standard school security practice aligned with NYC DOE “non-local law enforcement” protocol.) web

5) Communications (tight and factual)

• Internal: Notify superintendent, district comms, and (in NYC) the Chancellor’s/DOE contacts as your network dictates. web

• Families: After the incident, send a calm note reaffirming:
  

  • The school does not track immigration status;

  • It does not release records absent legal requirement;

  • Students’ right to attend school is protected. (Plyler/State guidance). New York State Education DepartmentNational Education Association

6) Legal & community support (same day)

• Connect affected families (confidentially) to free legal help:
  

  • NYC MOIA / ActionNYC hotline: 1-800-354-0365 (or 311 → “Immigration Legal”). ShareThisFacebook

  • MOIA general line: 212-788-7654 (business hours). NYC Government

• NYC DOE provides multilingual protocols/immigrant family resources; share those links in follow-ups. web+1

7) Documentation & after-action

• Log who, what, when, requested documents, and legal instructions received.

• Keep copies in a restricted file (admin-only).

• Conduct a 24–48 hr debrief: what worked, what to tighten, staff retraining needed? (NYC has reaffirmed “welcoming district” policy—use it as training backbone.) web

8) Training & prevention (do this now)

• Annual staff training (front desk first): practice the script; recognize judicial vs. administrative documents; escalation tree. web

• Purge unnecessary data: don’t collect immigration status; lock down directory-info releases; reissue FERPA notices and offer opt-out for directory info per state guidance/NYCLU model policy. New York State Education DepartmentNYCLU

• Post signage at the office: “All non-local law enforcement must report to the principal. Warrants will be reviewed by legal before any access.” web

• Know-Your-Rights nights with trusted legal partners; distribute multilingual DOE/State materials. webNew York State Education Department

Front-Desk Cue Card (print)

• “Please wait here.”

• “Our principal/legal office will assist you.”

• “May I see a judicial warrant signed by a judge?”

• (Make copies → call principal → call legal.)

• Do not answer questions about students/families.

• Keep agents in the office until legal responds. webNew York State Education Department

Notes by jurisdiction

• NYC public schools: Follow DOE “Protocols for Non-Local Law Enforcement.” Use your Senior Field Counsel; share DOE immigrant-family resources (multi-language). web

• Outside NYC (rest of NYS): Follow NYSED/NY AG joint guidance on FERPA, data collection limits, and responding to immigration inquiries; loop in district counsel immediately. New York State Education Department+1

When I ran in 2020 I met a young couple who shocked me with the question "where is the deep bench" that you are building in local politics. Immediately I thought, it doesn't work like that, but took their question to challenge my thinking. Why not.

My proposal is:

U.S. Congressional Term Limits Act of 2027

Section 1. Title

This Act may be cited as the “Congressional Term Limits Act of 2027.”

Section 2. Findings and Purpose

1. Citizens across the United States overwhelmingly support congressional term limits.

2. New York’s 13th Congressional District, representing Harlem, Upper Manhattan, and the Northwest Bronx, has long been a leader in demanding accountability and political reform.

3. The Congressman from New York’s 13th District introduced this measure to demonstrate that elected officials must limit their own power before asking it of others.

4. The purpose of this Act is to prevent careerism in Congress, restore a citizen-legislator ethos, and increase democratic participation.

Section 3. Term Limits for the House of Representatives

1. No person shall be elected to serve more than six terms (12 years total) as a Representative in the U.S. House.

2. Service for more than one year of a partial term shall be considered a full term.

Section 4. Term Limits for the Senate

1. No person shall be elected to serve more than two terms (12 years total) as a Senator in the U.S. Senate.

2. Service for more than three years of a partial term shall be considered a full term.

Section 5. Combined Congressional Service Cap

1. No person shall serve in both chambers for more than 18 years total combined service in Congress.

Section 6. Transition and Application

1. Term limits established under this Act shall apply prospectively.

2. Service in Congress prior to the ratification of this Act shall not be counted toward the limits.

3. Members currently serving may seek reelection up to the maximum terms allowed under this Act from the date of ratification forward.

Section 7. NY-13 Leadership Commitment

1. When James Felton Keith is congressman:

2. Regardless of whether this Act passes both houses of Congress or secures constitutional ratification, the sitting Congressman for New York’s 13th District shall voluntarily abide by the limits specified in Sections 3–5.

3. This commitment ensures that NY-13 leads by example, demonstrating integrity and accountability while urging peers to adopt the same standards.

4. The Congressman of NY-13 shall publicly disclose term count and pledge compliance with this Act as though it were binding law.

Section 8. Enforcement

1. States shall enforce this Act by refusing to certify or place on the ballot the name of any candidate for U.S. Congress who has exceeded the limits described herein.

2. Until national ratification, voluntary compliance by the Congressman of NY-13 shall serve as a model for other Members of Congress.

Section 9. Constitutional Amendment Requirement

1. This Act shall be considered a proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

2. It shall take effect upon ratification by three-fourths of the state legislatures as provided by Article V of the Constitution.

A while ago I interviewed a few journalisms professors on my old radio show Inclusionism on WHCR 90.3FM The Voice of Harlem about the institutionalization of the press after Trump's first term and they were on the fence about it, so I wrote a short OpEd called The Fourth Branch.

My Message

“The First Amendment gave us freedom of the press. This amendment gives us the institution of the press. A Supreme Press. The people’s Fourth Branch.”

The Amendment: Establishing the Supreme Press

Our Goal: Add a Fourth Branch of Government to guarantee the people’s right to be informed—independent, protected, and permanent.

What the Amendment Says

• Creates a Supreme Press – A coequal Fourth Branch, alongside Congress, the Presidency, and the Courts.

• Protects Independence – No president, senator, or judge can interfere with its editorial decisions.

• Guarantees Funding – A permanent Public Information Trust that politicians can’t choke off.

• Appoints Commissioners, Not Partisans – Long terms, multi-part appointments, and strict rules against political capture.

• Secures Rights – Strengthens the First Amendment by making clear: government can support journalism without controlling it.

Why It Matters

1. Truth Becomes a Constitutional Right

The Supreme Press ensures every American has access to verified, independent information—not propaganda, not spin. In a world where truth may not be synonymous with fact, we need the incentivize the whole story being told at the most relevant local level.

2. Journalism as a Public Service

Like courts and schools, journalism becomes a guaranteed institution. It won’t rise and fall with ad markets or billionaire owners.

3. Independence from Politicians

No branch can shut down the Supreme Press or starve it of funding. It answers only to the people.

4. Equal Access to Facts

From small towns to big cities, everyone gets the same baseline of reliable information. That’s democracy’s lifeline.

5. Oversight Power

The Supreme Press doesn’t just report—it audits, investigates, and shines light into every corner of government and corporate power.

Benefits of a Supreme Press

• Democracy that can’t be bought

• Expand the information economy by an initial $40 Billion

• Expansion of compensation mechanisms of content creators

• An end to information deserts (local news collapse, ghost papers, underreporting)

• Permanent protection for whistleblowers and investigative journalists

• National resilience against disinformation—foreign and domestic

• A people’s branch: the only branch designed for the voter’s eyes, not the politician’s power

1. This has been said by me and so many others. There are many petitions, but it is necessary to state it again on this campaign site. We must expand the court.

2. Why 13? (Core Argument)

• Historical Precedent:

  • Congress has changed the Court’s size 7 times in U.S. history.

  • 9 seats was set in 1869, when the U.S. had 9 circuit courts. Today we have 13 circuits, yet still only 9 justices.

• Modern Justification:

  • Expansion is not radical — it’s a correction to match the scale of today’s judiciary.

  • More circuits → more cases → more workload → need more justices.

• Rhetoric: “We don’t ride around in horse-drawn buggies anymore, and we shouldn’t be governing with a court structure frozen in the 19th century.”

3. The Problem with 9 Justices Today

• Partisan Capture: A handful of seats have been manipulated by politicians (e.g., blocking confirmations, rushing appointments).

• Disproportionate Power: 9 people decide the fate of 330 million.

• Erosion of Trust: Approval ratings of the Court are at historic lows.

• Modern Rhetoric: “When the Court plays politics, it loses legitimacy. A bigger bench means fewer power plays.”

4. The Solution: Expand to 13

• Benefits of Expansion:

  • More justices = less dominance by any single ideology.

  • Greater diversity of thought, backgrounds, and lived experiences.

  • Reduces the stakes of any one appointment fight.

• Framing:

  • Call it “Court Modernization” or “Judicial Balancing” instead of “Court Packing.”

  • Position it as pro-democracy reform, not partisanship.

5. Frequently Asked Questions (Anticipating Criticism)

• Q: Isn’t this just a power grab? A: No. Congress has always set the Court’s size. The Court grew as the nation grew. Expansion now is about scale and fairness, not partisanship.

• Q: Won’t the other party just add more later? A: They could — but the real safeguard is building a broad base of public trust. A Court that reflects the people is harder to delegitimize.

• Q: Why not term limits instead? A: We support exploring term limits too — but expansion can happen immediately through legislation without needing a constitutional amendment.

6. What’s at Stake

• Rights on the Line: reproductive rights, voting rights, labor rights, environmental protections.

• Democracy vs. Minority Rule: The Court should reflect the will of the people, not entrench minority power.

• Modern Rhetoric: “No single court should be able to drag America backward. Expanding to 13 ensures justice keeps pace with our democracy.”